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In some respects, the attention appears justified by the continued relevance of immigration for American politics. Perhaps the most notable of these was the proposal to construct a wall along the US border with Mexico. Existing theories of immigration policy preferences often highlight the role of threat perception in explaining the divide between individuals who would prefer inclusive reform proposals e. That is, why build a wall instead of devoting more resources to Homeland Security or job protection measures?
And why does such public support persist despite serious concerns of cost, feasibility, and efficacy? To answer this question, it helps to realize that not all threats are alike. Existing theories tend to privilege certain types of danger e. It is quite possible that two individuals will see the same threat as posing different kinds of danger and will prefer different strategies by which to mitigate it. I find in my research that some individuals see immigration as primarily a threat to the physical safety of Americans, while others see immigration as a threat to jobs, and yet others see immigrants as social pollutants, posing a threat to American values and culture.
I apply a new theory of threat perception—Threat-Heuristic Theory—to test and explain the linkages between these different estimations of the threat posed by immigrants and individual-level variation in preferences for immigration reform. Using several survey experiments, I show that it is the contaminant concern—the perceived threat to values and culture—which uniquely predicts support for large-scale deportation and a border wall. For some, immigration rises to this level of concern; for others, it does not.
The same variation can be observed for issues ranging from nuclear proliferation, to hostile ideologies, to climate change. I draw on findings from biology and cognitive science to develop a theory that provides insights into how and why individuals differ in their preferences for dealing with some of the more complex potential dangers in the world.
These other fields have demonstrated that our evolved threat detection systems and reflexive response strategies are in some sense organized around avoiding very specific bad outcomes. Threats are considered similar and recruit the same cognitive systems when they present the same potential bad outcome.
For example, a threat of physical harm at the hands of another human recruits the same systems of threat detection and response in the brain and body as the threat posed by a deadly snake. That is, while two people could agree that immigration poses a threat, they might well disagree on what kind. By measuring these threat assessments at the individual level, Threat-Heuristic Theory does not assume one concern is inherently more correct or valid. Rather, variation is expected. Threat detection and assessment is only the first step in avoiding bad outcomes; appropriate response is the other.
Threats of physical harm generate a small set of appropriate responses—physical protection and preventive aggression— where a vital contextual consideration is the inevitability of being attacked. In the modern context, these response strategies may take the form of public policies. The theory expects variation in threat assessment to lead to variation in policy preferences for mitigating that threat.
This individual-level variation can be observed on both large electorate and small policy-making group scales. That is, when immigrants are perceived as posing a threat to American jobs and opportunities—regardless of their region of origin —individuals endorse hiring restrictions. Similarly, when immigrants are perceived as posing a threat to the physical safety of Americans—regardless of their region of origin— individuals endorse allocating more money to Homeland Security and policing resources to monitor those immigrants.
I also find that a relatively subtle prime of contamination heightens the salience of perceived values threats as predictors of policy preferences. This effect was observed for the endorsement of policies directed specifically at immigrants from Central America, but not at immigrants from the Middle East.
The pollution narrative with respect to Latino immigrants to the United States is well-documented and this prime appears to interact with that narrative specifically. While it may be counterintuitive that a large physical barrier and disruptive deportation strategy are the preferred responses to an intangible sort of threat—social pollution—Threat-Heuristic Theory clarifies the link between threat perception and these policy preferences. Elsewhere, I apply the theory to preferences of American foreign policy-makers, showing that often the perception of contaminant threats is a factor in more drastic policies.
Threat-Heuristic Theory offers an explanation for the link between threat perception and policy preferences within a wide domain of potential dangers. The theory provides a framework within which to situate both well-interrogated threats e.
Further, the theory explains why some policy preferences, which may strike observers as puzzling or infeasible, uniquely appeal to others who have classified the potential danger differently. Finally, the quick, heuristic processing of threat assessment generates intuitive-feeling preferences, but the complexity of contemporary political threats also increases the probability that individuals will disagree on threat classification.
This sets the stage for contentious debates because the dispute concerns the fundamental nature of the problem. Immigration and the American Backlash Cambridge, M. Princeton University Press, Jens Hainmueller and Daniel J. Richard Tuck New York, N.
Cambridge University Press, and Kenneth N. Oxford University Press, The literature related to this meaning is not relevant here.
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